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“The jury which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most effective means of teaching it to rule”
Alexis de Tocqueville – “Democracy in America”
Undermining Republican Government
"At the establishment of our Constitutions, the judiciary bodies were supposed to be the most helpless and harmless
members of the government. Experience, however, soon showed in what way they were to become the most dangerous;
that the insufficiency of the means provided for their removal gave them a freehold and irresponsibility in office; that their
decisions, seeming to concern individual suitors only, pass silent and unheeded by the public at large; that these decisions
nevertheless become law by precedent, sapping by little and little the foundations of the Constitution and working its
change by construction before any one has perceived that that invisible and helpless worm has been busily employed in
consuming its substance. In truth, man is not made to be trusted for life if secured against all liability to account."
--Thomas Jefferson
Judicial Independence
"It will be said, that [a federal] court may encroach on the jurisdiction of the State courts. It may. But there
will be a power, to wit, Congress, to watch and restrain them. But place the same authority in Congress itself,
and there will be no power above them, to perform the same office. They will restrain within due bounds, a
jurisdiction exercised by others, much more rigorously than if exercised by themselves."
--Thomas Jefferson
Judicial Accountability
"We have... [required] a vote of two-thirds in one of the Houses for removing a judge; a vote so impossible where
any defense is made before men of ordinary prejudices and passions, that our judges are effectually independent of
the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not indeed make them dependent on the Executive authority, as they formerly
were in England; but I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this government that they should be submitted to some
practical and impartial control, and that this, to be impartial, must be compounded of a mixture of state and federal authorities."
--Thomas Jefferson
Irregular and Censurable Decisions
"The judges... are practicing on the Constitution by inferences, analogies, and sophisms, as they would on an ordinary law.
They do not seem aware that it is not even a Constitution formed by a single authority and subject to a single superintendence
and control, but that it is a compact of many independent powers, every single one of which claims an equal right to understand
it and to require its observance."
--Thomas Jefferson
"Having found from experience that impeachment is an impracticable thing, a mere scarecrow, [the Judiciary] consider
themselves secure for life."
--Thomas Jefferson
"On every question of construction [of the Constitution] let us carry ourselves back to the time when the
Constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may
be squeezed out of the text, or invent against it, conform to the probable one in which it was passed."
--Thomas Jefferson
Quotes on the Powers and Duties of Juries
It is not only [the juror's] right, but his duty...to find the verdict according to his own best understanding, judgment, and conscience, though in direct opposition to the direction of the court.
John Adams, 1771
.....it is usual for the jurors to decide the fact, and to refer the law arising on it to the decision of the judges. But this division of the subject lies with their discretion only. And if the question relate to any point of public liberty, or if it be one of those in which the judges may be suspected of bias, the jury undertake to decide both law and fact.
Thomas Jefferson, "Notes on Virginia," 1782
Another apprehension [about the French Revolution] is, that a majority cannot be induced to adopt the trial by jury; and I consider that as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man, by which a government can be held to the principles of its constitution....
Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Tom Paine, 1789
It is presumed, that juries are the best judges of facts; it is, on the other hand, presumed that courts are the best judges of law. But still both objects are within your power of decision.....you have a right to take it upon yourselves to judge of both, and to determine the law as well as the fact in controversy.
Chief Justice John Jay, Georgia v. Brailsford, 1794
Jurors should acquit, even against the judge's instruction...if exercising their judgement with discretion and honesty they have a clear conviction that the charge of the court is wrong.
Alexander Hamilton, 1804
Petty juries, consisting usually of twelve men, attend courts to try matters of fact in civil causes, and to decide both the law and the fact in criminal prosecutions. The decision of a petty jury is called a verdict.
Noah Webster, Dictionary of the English Language, 1828
In the trial of all criminal cases, the Jury shall be the Judges of Law, as well as of fact, except that the Court may pass upon the sufficiency of the evidence to sustain a conviction
Article XXIII, Constitution of the State of Maryland
In all criminal cases whatsoever, the jury shall have the right to determine the law and the facts.
Article I, §19, Constitution of the State of Indiana
The question here arises, Whether the barons and the people intended that those peers (the jury) should be mere puppets in the hands of the king, exercising no opinion of their own as to the intrinsic merits of the accusations they should try, or the justice of the laws they should be called on to enforce? Whether those haughty and victorious barons, when they had their tyrant king at their feet, gave back to him his throne, with full power to enact any tyrannical laws he might please, reserving only to a jury...the contemptible and servile privilege of ascertaining, (under the dictation of the king, or his judges, as to the laws of evidence), the simple fact whether those laws had been transgressed? Was this the only restraint, which, when they had all power in their hands, they placed upon the tyranny of a king, whose oppressions they had risen in arms to resist? Was it to obtain such a charter as that, that the whole nation had united, as it were, like one man, against their king? Was it on such a charter that they intended to rely, for all future time, for the security of their liberties? No. They were engaged in no such senseless work as that. On the contrary, when they required him to renounce forever the power to punish any freeman, unless by the consent of his peers, they intended those peers should judge of, and try, the whole case on its merits, independently of all arbitrary legislation, or judicial authority, on the part of the king. In this way they took the liberties of each individual -- and thus the liberties of the whole people -- entirely out of the hands of the king, and out of the power of his laws, and placed them in the keeping of the people themselves. And this it was that made the trial by jury the palladium of their liberties.
The trial by jury, be it observed, was the only real barrier interposed by them against absolute despotism. Could this trial, then, have been such an entire farce as it necessarily must have been, if the jury had had no power to judge of the justice of the laws the people were required to obey? Did it not rather imply that the jury were to judge independently and fearlessly as to everything involved in the charge, and especially as to its intrinsic justice, and thereon give their decision, (unbiased by any legislation of the king,) whether the accused might be punished? The reason of the thing, no less than the historical celebrity of the events, as securing the liberties of the people, and the veneration with which the trail by jury has continued to be regarded, notwithstanding its essence and vitality have been almost entirely extracted from it in practice, would settle the question, if other evidences had left the matter in doubt.
Lysander Spooner, An Essay on the Trail by Jury, 1852
It is universally conceded that a verdict of acquittal, although rendered against the instructions of the judge, is final, and cannot be set aside; and consequently that the jury have the legal power to decide for themselves the law involved in the general issues of guilty or not guilty.
Justices Gray and Shiras, Sparf and Hansen v. United States, 1894, dissent
The jury has the power to bring a verdict in the teeth of both the law and the facts.
Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Horning v. District of Columbia, 1920
If the jury feels the law is unjust, we recognize the undisputed power of the jury to acquit, even if its verdict is contrary to the law as given by a judge, and contrary to the evidence...If the jury feels that the law under which the defendant is accused is unjust, or that exigent circumstances justified the actions of the accused, or for any reason which appeals to their logic or passion, the jury has the power to acquit, and the courts must abide by that decision.
4th Circuit Court of Appeals, United States v. Moylan, 1969
[The jury has an] unreviewable and irreversible power...to acquit in disregard of the instructions on the law given by the trial judge...The pages of history shine on instances of the jury's exercise of its prerogative to disregard uncontradicted evidence and instructions of the judge; for example, acquittals under the fugitive slave law.
D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, Unites States v. Dougherty, 1972
'You're not concerned with the law, Members of the Jury,' I told them, 'you are concerned with justice!'
'That is a quite outrageous thing to say! On the admitted facts of this case, Mr O'Higgins is clearly guilty!' His Honour Judge Graves had decided but the honest twelve would have to return the verdict and I spoke to them. 'A British judge has no power to direct a British jury to find a defendant guilty! I know that much at least.'
'I shall tell the Jury that he is guilty in law, I warn you.' Graves's warning was in vain. I carried on regardless.
'His Lordship may tell you that to his heart's content. As a great Lord Chief Justice of England, a judge superior in rank to any in this Court, once said, "It is the duty of the Judge to tell you as a jury what to do, but you have the power to do exactly as you like." And what you do, Members of the Jury, is a matter entirely between God and your own consciences....'
Horace Rumpole [John Mortimer, "Rumpole à la Carte," The Third Rumpole Omnibus, Penguin Books, 1998, p.265]
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National Coalition to End Judicial Filibusters
The Honorable Ted Stevens
The Honorable William H. Frist, M.D.
The Honorable Mitch McConnell
The Honorable Rick Santorum
The Honorable Jon Kyl
The Honorable Kay Bailey Hutcheson
The Honorable Elizabeth Dole
The Honorable Arlen Specter
The Honorable Trent Lott
The Honorable John McCain
The Honorable Mike Dewine
The Honorable Lindsay Graham
and all Republican Senators.
United States Senate
U.S. Capitol
Washington, DC
June 30, 2005
Dear Senators:
As the representatives of millions of American voices, we write again to urge you to end judicial filibusters. If elections are to mean anything, and they must mean something, you must end the obstruction.
We commend Leader Frist and the Republican leadership for the recent extraordinary allocation of Senate time to judicial nominations and for standing up for principle, and not just for party, in readying to end judicial filibusters. You took the road of statesmen.
We believe, however, that the May compromise by 14 senators to avoid the use of the Constitutional Option, while it may well have been a temporary pragmatic and political success in getting several circuit judges confirmed and defeating the litmus test of ideology and religion, was a defeat of principle that dishonored the Constitution, ignored an election, and went entirely in the wrong direction. It created a de facto Senate Judiciary Committee with powers unprecedented and unchecked in Senate rules or tradition.
The so-called “Deal” legitimized the judicial filibuster and altered the checks and balances provided in the Constitution by diminishing the Presidency in favor of the Senate.
We urge you to test the “Deal” and ready yourselves again to end judicial filibusters as soon as possible. We know that Senate leadership can trump each and every device that the minority can use to slow down Senate business, and there are few single items of Senate business that are as important as its special stewardship of the Judiciary.
We also write to express our support for the confirmation of Henry Saad of Michigan to the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals. We ask that you schedule him to be voted out of the Judiciary Committee (again) and onto the Senate Calendar at the earliest moment.
As you know, Judge Saad was one of two judicial nominees abandoned by the May compromise. In opposing Judge Saad, the minority has picked yet another nominee who sings in his church choir. Judge Saad is a Board Member of the Greater Detroit Interfaith Roundtable of the National Conference of Christians and Jews. He serves on the Executive Committee of the American Arabic and Jewish Friends and he is a recipient of the Arab-American and Chaldean Council Civic and Humanitarian Award. Judge Saad also serves on the Board of Visitors of the Ave Maria School of Law
He is happily married with four grown children.
We fear that in blocking Judge Saad, the minority has introduced a new and insidious tactic by suggesting that there is something untoward in Judge Saad’s FBI file to justify obstruction. It is no wonder that the uncharitable and unethical use of this tactic brought an immediate response from Arab American leaders who decried it as a slur on all Arab Americans in an era after 9/11.
We are assured that there is nothing to warrant obstruction, as evidenced by four nominations or re-nominations by two presidents and the recommendation of all Republican senators who voted Judge Saad out of the Judiciary Committee in 2004, including Senators Graham and Dewine.
We believe that the minority is betting that some Republican senators are prone to surrender to the mere allegation of an impropriety, and the minority knows that Republicans (like all other senators) are obliged not to discuss FBI files in public.
Finally, even after the minority’s impugnation, the American Bar Association, which Democrats once argued was the gold standard of nominations, recently raised Judge Saad’s rating from “Qualified” to “Well-Qualified,” the ABA’s highest rating.
The minority also points to a misdirected email letter to suggest intemperateness. In 2003, at the peak of the Daschle filibusters, a Michigan supporter forwarded to Judge Saad a form letter issued by Senator Stabenow’s office to defend her obstruction of judicial nominees. Through inadvertence, Judge Saad misdirected his reply to Senator Stabenow’s office believing he was replying to a friend.
The minority has used this misdirected, private email to argue that Judge Saad is intemperate and that his email suggests a violation of Senate tradition. But no one objected when Judge Charles Pickering went on television news shows and 60 Minutes to express his frustration over Democrats’ obstruction of his nomination. Moreover, given that Judge Saad was first nominated to the federal court in 1992 and re-nominated in 2001, Judge Saad’s comment (below) shows remarkable temperateness.
Judge Saad wrote: “We know, of course, that this is the game they play. Pretend to do the right thing while abusing the system and undermining the Constitutional process. Perhaps some day she will pay the price for her misconduct.” What is intemperate about saying that to a friend?
The ideological objection to Judge Saad’s nomination is negligible. A full review of Judge Saad’s record shows him to be a judge who follows the law, and that he is an umpire who is neither pro-pitcher nor pro-batter. Notably, Judge Saad has the support of the UAW and AFL-CIO, as well as the Michigan Chamber of Commerce and all of us.
In fact, Judge Saad has wide bi-partisan support among Michigan political leaders, fellow judges and editorial boards.
Judge Saad’s personal story is compelling. When confirmed he will be the first Arab-American to serve on the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals. Filling a Michigan seat, Judge Saad will represent the state with the highest concentration per capita of Arab Americans.
The symbolic significance of Judge Saad’s nomination is no small matter. U.S. District Court Judge George Steeh of Michigan, himself an Arab American appointed by President Clinton put it this way: “[Bush’s nomination of Saad in the wake of the September 11 attacks] conveys an important message to all citizens and residents of this country that we embrace and welcome diversity and that we are extending the American dream to anyone who is prepared to work hard.”
We believe that Senate Republicans should not now send an opposite message. We expect that you will agree.
Sincerely yours,
Paul Weyrich, Coalitions for America
Roy Innis and Niger Innis, Congress of Racial Equality (CORE)
David A. Keene, American Conservative Union
Grover Norquist, Americans for Tax Reform
Gary L. Bauer, American Values
C. Boyden Gray, Committee for Justice
Harvey Tettlebaum, Republican National Lawyers Association
Roberta Combs and Jim Backlin, Christian Coalition of America
Tom Minnery, Focus on the Family
Manuel A. Miranda, Third Branch Conference
James J. Fotis, Law Enforcement Alliance of America
Connie Mackey, Family Research Council
L. Brent Bozell III, Conservative Victory Campaign
Mark R. Levin, Landmark Legal Foundation, author of Men in Black
Duane Parde, ALEC (American Legislative Exchange Council)
Dr. Virginia Armstrong, Eagle Forum's Court Watch
Beverly LaHaye and Jan La Rue, Concerned Women for America
Dr. Carl Herbster, AdvanceUSA
Donald E. Wildmon, American Family Association
Stephen M. Crampton, AFA Center for Law & Policy
Tim Clinton, American Association of Christian Counselors
Dr. John C. Eastman, The Claremont Institute Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence
Kelly Shackelford. Liberty Legal Institute
Dr. James H. Broussard, Citizens Against Higher Taxes
Dr. Richard Land, Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission
Dr. Barrett Duke, Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission
Jeffrey Mazzella, Center for Individual Freedom
Kay R. Daly, Coalition for a Fair Judiciary
Bill May, Catholics for the Common Good
Kerri Houston, Frontiers of Freedom
Jonathan Moseley, Legal Affairs Council
James L. Martin, 60 Plus Association
Charles W. Jarvis, USA Next (United Seniors Association)
Rick Schatz, National Coalition for the Protection of Children & Families
Tom Shields, Coalition for Marriage and Family
Mark Sutherland, National Policy Center
C. Preston Noell III, Tradition, Family, Property, Inc.
Dr. D. James Kennedy, Coral Ridge Ministries
Dr. Gary Cass, Center for Reclaiming America
Rev. Louis P. Sheldon and Andrea Lafferty, Traditional Values Coalition
Rev. Rick Scarborough, Vision America
Pastor Rod Parsley, Center for Moral Clarity
Rev. William Owens, Coalition of African-American Pastors
Thomas A. Glessner, National Institute of Family and Life Advocates
Robert Peters, Morality in Media
Fr. Frank Pavone, Priests for Life
Austin Ruse, Culture of Life Foundation
Joseph A Brinck, Sanctity of Life Foundation
Dr. Patricia McEwen, Life Coalition International
Rev. Miguel Rivera, National Coalition of Latino Clergy & Christian Leaders
J. C. Willke, MD, International Right to Life Federation
Bradley Mattes, Life Issues Institute
Chuck Muth, Citizen Outreach
Helen Chenoweth-Hage and J. Thomas Smith, America 21
Robert R Galbreath Jr., Citizens for a Constitutional Republic
Colin A. Hanna, Let Freedom Ring
Janet L. Folger, Faith2Action
Christopher Carmouche, GrassTopsUSA
Deborah Hamilton, Hamilton Strategies
Larry Cirignano, CatholicVote.org
William Greene, RightMarch.com
Mike Krempasky, RedState.org
Brian McCarthy, Irish American Republicans
Gary J. Palmer, Alabama Policy Institute
Dr. Ronald Konopaski, United For Life- San Francisco
Mathew D. Staver, Liberty Counsel
John Stemberger, Florida Family Action, Inc
Michael N. Duff, United Families Idaho
Mary T. Ericksen, Illinois Citizens for Life
Peter LaBarbera, Illinois Family Institute
Tom Brejcha, Thomas More Society, Pro-life Law Center (Chicago)
Micah Clark, American Family Association of Indiana
Kim Lehman, Iowa Right to Life Committee
Dr. Don Racheter, Iowa Association of Scholars
Lisa E. Roche, Esq, Maine Right to Life Committee
Douglas P. Stiegler, Family Protection Lobby - Maryland
Kris Mineau, Massachusetts Family Institute
Barb Listing, Michigan Right to Life
Gary Glenn, American Family Association of Michigan
Kent Ostrander, The Family Foundation of Kentucky
Gene Mills, Louisiana Family Forum
Steve Lemke, New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary
Karen Testerman, Cornerstone Policy Research
Harry Levine, Victory New Hampshire
Dr. Steven J. Kidder, New York State Family Policy Council, Inc.
Bill Brooks, North Carolina Family Policy Council
Phil Burress, Citizens for Community Values
Pastor Russell Johnson, American Restoration Project
Diane Gramley, American Family Association of Pennsylvania
Rev. Reece Yandle, South Carolina Association of Christian Schools
Oran P. Smith, Palmetto Family Council
Robert E. Regier, South Dakota Family Policy Council
Bobbie Patray, Tennessee Eagle Forum
Dr. Theodore C. Brown, Jr., Richmond, Virginia, Young Republican Federation of VA
Kenneth and Margaret Whitehead, Falls Church Republican Committee (Va)
Dr. Ken Hutcherson, Antioch Bible Church, Redmond, WA
Hiram Lewis, Candidate for U.S. Senate, West Virginia
Mark Coyle, former Communications Director, WV Republican Party
Martha Zoller, Radio host (Georgia)
Chris Dickson. "The Dickson/Chappell Report", (Midwest)
Russell Christian and Frank Vernuccio, Ave Maria School of Law
Jeffrey Lord, author of The Borking Rebellion
A Project of the Third Branch Conference
For inquiry or response contact mmiranda@att.net
SENATOR SPECTER'S STATEMENT ON THE SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE
November 18th, 2004
Washington, D.C. - Senator Specter gave the following statement today on the Senate Judiciary Committee:
I have not and would not use a litmus test to deny confirmation to pro-life nominees. I voted to confirm
Chief Justice Rehnquist after he had voted against Roe v. Wade. Similarly, I voted to confirm pro-life nominees,
Justice Scalia, Justice O’Connor and Justice Kennedy. I lead the successful fight to confirm Justice Thomas which
almost cost me my Senate seat in 1992.
I have assured the President that I would give his nominees quick Committee hearings and early Committee
votes so floor action could be promptly scheduled. I have voted for all of President Bush’s judicial nominees in
Committee and on the floor, and I have no reason to believe that I’ll be unable to support any individual President
Bush finds worthy of nomination. I believe I can help the President get his nominees approved just as I did on confirmation
of two controversial Pennsylvania Circuit nominees when other, similarly situated Circuit nominees, were being filibustered.
I have already registered my opposition to the Democrats’ filibusters with 17 floor statements and will use my best
efforts to stop any future filibusters. It is my hope and expectation that we can avoid future filibusters and judicial
gridlock with a 55-45 Republican majority and election results demonstrating voter dissatisfaction with Democratic
filibusters. If a rule change is necessary to avoid filibusters, there are relevant recent precedents to secure rule changes with 51 votes.
I intend to consult with my colleagues on the Committee’s legislative agenda, including tort reform, and will have
balanced hearings with all viewpoints represented. I have long objected to the tactic used of bottling up civil rights
legislation in the Judiciary Committee when it should have gone to the floor for an up or down vote. Accordingly, I
would not support Committee action to bottle up legislation or a constitutional amendment, even one which I personally
opposed, reserving my own position for the floor.
Manuel Miranda
Wednesday, January 11, 2006 1:50 PM
Statement of the Third Branch Conference
KENNEDY OFFENDS THE CONSTITUTION
In demanding a subpoena upon privately-constrolled records of a private association:
"Senator Kennedy once again has employed McCarthy-like dirty tactics that offend the First amendment and the Freedom of Association that flows from it. We have seen this before. In 1987, Kennedy attempted to ban the confirmation of nominees who belonged to college fraternities and private clubs and lodges that limited their membership to men. The Judiciary Committee rejected this. In 2002, Kennedy opposed Judge Brooks Smith for belonging to an all-male fly-fishing club.".
"Kennedy now feels justified to offend the First Amenmnet and the Freedom of Association to smear Judge Alito, again by demanding that Congress consider investigating the activities and membership of a private organization."
"Congress has no authority to intrude upon First Amendment protected activity, whether of the nominee before its committee or anyone else. See, e.g., United States v. Rumely, 345 U.S. 41 (1953) (Congressional committee was without power to exact information sought in violation of First Amendment)."
Manuel Miranda, chairs the TBC, and served as nominations counsel to Majority Leader Bill Frist.
Campaign to seize US judge's home
Activists angered by a US Supreme Court ruling that homes can be demolished for public developments are trying to seize the home of one of the judges involved.
About 60 people rallied in the small New Hampshire town of Weare on Sunday, where Justice David Souter has a house.
The protesters say they have enough signatures from Weare residents to put their proposal to a town vote in March.
They want a compulsory purchase order on the 200-year-old farmhouse, and say they will build a hotel in its place.
Campaign organiser Logan Clements, from Los Angeles, told supporters in Weare the Supreme Court had "shot a hole in the [US] Constitution".
I don't want my house to be taken away to be the next Disneyland
Campaign supporter Eric Dellinger
Judge Souter was in a 5-4 majority on the court panel that ruled last June that the city of New London in Connecticut could seize homes to make way for a hotel, convention centre, office space and flats.
The ruling gave government the right to seize homes for "public benefit", where previously they could only be taken for "public use".
Many fear the ruling means land can now be requisitioned for commercial ventures that benefit the local economy, not just public projects like road building.
The Supreme Court ruling has prompted many states, including New Hampshire, to consider tightening their laws on "eminent domain", or compulsory purchase.
'Very scary'
Mr Clements needed only 25 signatures calling for Mr Souter's house to be compulsorily purchased, to put the issue to a ballot of the 8,500 residents of Weare.
Mr Clements wants to turn Mr Souter's home into a hotel
He says he already has 188 names.
We are resident Eric Dellinger signed the petition.
"I'm not sure that going after a justice is really the right way to do it," he told the Los Angeles Times.
"But this eminent domain thing is very scary. I don't want my house to be taken away to be the next Disneyland no matter how much good it would be for other people."
There was no comment on the petition from Justice Souter.
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Not Confirming Judges
Mar 16, 2006
By Robert Novak
On May 9, 2001, President Bush nominated U.S. District Judge Terrence W. Boyle of Edenton, N.C., to the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals. It took nearly four years for the Judiciary Committee to send his nomination to the Senate floor. It has languished there for more than a year with no prospect for Senate confirmation and no apparent interest by the Republican leadership.
Boyle has been on the federal bench for 22 years, and his only liability is that he is a conservative who spent a year on Sen. Jesse Helms's staff. While he is the Bush appellate court nominee who has been waiting for confirmation the longest, he is not alone. Ten other prospective appeals judges face Senate inaction, with the window of opportunity in the second Bush term already closing. They seem unaffected by last year's avoidance of a constitutional crisis over the confirmation process and the approval of two Supreme Court justices.
Sean Rushton of the Committee for Justice this week e-mailed his conservative network that the "push for appellate confirmations is on." But there has been no attention given Boyle and his fellow nominees by Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, who has been taking victory laps after appearing to break the Senate judicial confirmation impasse. Asking whether Republicans will raise the issue to "excite conservatives, highlight liberal extremism and force Democrats into compromising choices," Rushton said, "November's election may rest on the decision."
The moderate bipartisan "Gang of 14" senators last year averted a showdown on whether Frist would use the "nuclear option" to break multiple judicial filibusters. That immediately resulted in confirmation of three nominees opposed by the liberals, but the fate of Boyle and the other four appellate nominees facing filibusters was left pending. Since then, only four Bush nominees have been confirmed. Six other appellate nominees await confirmation, and an additional nine such seats are vacant.
This situation does not interest prominent Senate Republicans or their allied business lobbyists in Washington as time grows short. Nothing will be done in 2006 after the August recess. Even assuming that Republicans retain Senate control in this year's elections, the word on Capitol Hill is that September 2007 is the deadline for confirmation of Bush's judges before Democrats dig in.
Thus, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy's filibuster strategy may not be a total failure after all. While it did not block conservatives from the Supreme Court, it is keeping open 20 appellate judgeships for a Democratic president to fill.
That is why conservative strategists want Terry Boyle, the most easily confirmable of the conservatives, brought immediately to a vote. This veteran judge could not be said to qualify for the "extraordinary circumstances" standard justifying a filibuster under the Gang of 14 exception. The votes for the nuclear option presumably would be there for Boyle if the Democrats filibustered. In addition to Boyle, conservatives put the highest priority on these nominees:
* Brett Kavanaugh, White House staff secretary. First named to the District of Columbia Circuit by Bush on July 25, 2003, Democrats blocked the routine retention of his nomination at the end of the last Congress and now demand a second hearing to delay any hopes for him. His liability is being a senior Bush aide and a former assistant to independent counsel Kenneth Starr.
* William Haynes, general counsel of the Defense Department. A former General Dynamic executive nominated to the 4th Circuit, he has been blocked by Democrats for his association with the Pentagon's enemy combatant policies as a protege of vice presidential chief of staff David Addington.
* Michael Wallace, a Jackson, Miss. lawyer. He was named to the 5th Circuit six weeks ago to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Judge Charles Pickering. A former aide to Sen. Trent Lott, Wallace faces the same opposition from the Left that filibustered Pickering until he reached the bench on a Bush recess appointment.
Continued Democratic reluctance to confirm any conservative judge is expected, but the conservative movement is appalled at the lack of interest by Senate Republicans in confronting this outrage. Pressure is building from members of the Republican base who put a higher priority than their senators do on the future of the federal judiciary.
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
President celebrates swearing-in for White House aide turned federal judge
By DEB RIECHMANN
President Bush hosted a Rose Garden swearing-in ceremony Thursday for long-stalled judicial nominee Brett Kavanaugh, a White House lawyer who once worked for independent counsel Kenneth Starr's investigations of President Clinton.
Kavanaugh won Senate confirmation to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit late last month on a 57-36 vote after a three-year wait. It was a victory for Bush's drive to place a more conservative stamp on the nation's courts.
Presidents usually are not present when new judges take their oaths. But Kavanaugh, whose nomination was opposed by Democrats, has worked at the White House for the past five years in the White House counsel's office and as staff secretary.
``I call upon the United States Senate to meet its responsibility to give every nominee a fair hearing and a timely up or down vote,'' Bush told the 120 guests, including Vice President Dick Cheney, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and former Attorney General John Ashcroft.
Bush highlighted Kavanaugh's background, saying he had clerked for judges Walter Stapleton and Alex Kozinski on the appeals court and for Justice Anthony Kennedy at the Supreme Court, who gave him the oath.
``Thirty-one years ago today, a young Anthony Kennedy took the oath to be a court of appeals judge,'' Kavanaugh said. ``Since then he has taught all of his law clerks that the Constitution of the United States is a compact between generations that must be preserved and revered and cherished and passed on. I feel that lesson very powerfully today.''
In addition to clerking for judges, Kavanaugh was a partner in a national law firm, worked in the solicitor general's office and was an associate independent counsel under Starr. Kavanaugh worked on both the long-running Whitewater case and the 1998 Clinton impeachment case.
Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, has called Kavanaugh a political operative who is the least experienced and most partisan appointee to the court in decades.
Democrats also highlighted the American Bar Association's recent downgrading of its rating of Kavanaugh from ``highly qualified'' to ``qualified.'' Bush countered, saying that in three separate evaluations, all 42 ABA reviewers rated Kavanaugh as ``well-qualified'' or ``qualified'' to serve on the federal bench.
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Conservatives Backing Nominee Look at Graham
By Chris Cillizza
Sunday, June 4, 2006
No longer content with bashing Democrats for their obstruction of President Bush's judicial nominees, a coalition of conservative groups is now turning its attention to a prominent Republican -- Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (S.C.).
The campaign, led by the Committee for Justice, is aimed at persuading Graham to allow a vote on William James Haynes II, the general counsel at the Department of Defense and a nominee for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit. Although the campaign is in its infancy, organizers expect it to develop into a national e-mail and telephone lobbying effort.
"A key reason why Lindsey Graham is Senator Graham is because he ran as opposed to the obstruction of the president's judicial nominees," said Sean Rushton, executive director of the Committee for Justice. "We hope he'll remember that."
Graham insists he has engaged in no formal obstruction of Haynes, nor has he enlisted other senators to do so. Along with colleague and political ally John McCain (R-Ariz.), Graham has expressed concern regarding the advice Haynes provided the Bush administration on the treatment of detainees captured in the war on terrorism. "The role Mr. Haynes played as DOD general counsel formulating these policies and whether he was receptive to legal advice from the military will be a line of inquiry when his nomination is brought up," said Kevin D. Bishop, communications director for Graham.
Haynes was nominated in 2003.
Opposing conservatives on one of their pet issues carries political risks for both Graham and McCain. Since winning the seat vacated by the late Sen. Strom Thurmond (R) in 2002, Graham has faced occasional opposition from his party's base, a resistance that hardened when he joined a bipartisan group of senators -- the "Gang of 14" -- to defuse a showdown on judicial nominees.
Charleston developer Thomas Ravenel, who narrowly lost a bid for the GOP Senate nomination in 2004, has encouraged speculation that he might mount a primary challenge to Graham in 2008 but is seeking state office in 2006.
McCain, who has made clear his intentions to run for president in 2008, has openly courted conservatives over the past year in an attempt to heal rifts caused by his primary challenge to George W. Bush in 2000. That effort has met with considerable success to date, progress that could be jeopardized by another high-profile battle over judicial nominations.
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Decision near on U.S. judge
By Ed Golder
Wednesday, May 31, 2006
Even as the FBI conducted background checks on one of his choices for the federal bench, U.S. Sen. Carl Levin was steadfastly mum Tuesday on who would be appointed.
"The White House is going to have to make an announcement on that," Levin said during a press conference on alternative fuels at a Grandville Mobil station.
But the Detroit Democrat acknowledged that he and Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Lansing, have reached an agreement with the White House to end a four-year standoff on judicial nominations.
"We've worked closely with the White House and we think the problem has been addressed," Levin said.
As part of the deal, the Republican White House would nominate state Court of Appeals Judge Janet Neff, a Democrat, to one of three slots open on the federal bench in the Western District of Michigan, according to a source close to the negotiations who asked not to be named.
Brady, Kolenda interested
Meanwhile, a new name emerged as a possible contender for Neff's job if it becomes open. Local attorney James S. Brady, a partner in the law firm Miller, Johnson, Snell and Cummiskey, has put his name forward to the staff of Gov. Jennifer Granholm, who will make the appointment.
"Some people have asked me whether or not I had an interest in it and I had candidly replied that I would have an interest," said Brady, a one-time U.S. attorney for the Western District of Michigan, who represents The Press.
"At this particular time in my life, this seems to be a good time to make a contribution to the legal profession, the judicial system and the public at large."
Also interested in the job is Kent County Circuit Judge Dennis Kolenda. Kolenda said he doesn't expect to see action on the nominations before fall. "It's summer," he said. "It's going to take the Senate of the United States some time to get things done.
Although few are talking about the deal openly, local lawyers acknowledge that the FBI has been asking questions about Neff.
The inquiries are part of routine background checks before President Bush submits her name to the Senate Judiciary Committee for consideration.
Neff declined to comment.
Levin and Stabenow have blocked Bush's judicial nominees because they are unhappy with the way Senate Republicans delayed former President Clinton's picks for the bench.
To unclog the logjam, Bush agreed to allow the Democrats two appointments of their own to the federal court in Michigan's Western District, according to local attorneys familiar with the process.
Under the deal, Neff would be joined for that district by Republican nominees Grand Rapids attorney Robert Jonker and Berrien County Judge Paul Maloney.
In addition, three judges would be added to the federal bench in the Eastern District of Michigan. Republicans Sean Cox, the brother of state Attorney General Mike Cox, and Midland County Judge Thomas Ludington have been approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Chris Dingell, a Democrat and the son of U.S. Rep. John Dingell, D-Dearborn, is the third, although his nomination has not yet been sent to the Senate.
Two openings on the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals would be filled as part of the deal, too.
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Nominee is held up by Graham
By Alexander Bolton
May 24, 2006
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who sits on the Judiciary Committee and is close to Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), is blocking a nominee to the federal bench whom Graham’s friend opposes, Senate sources say.
Conservatives and the American Bar Association consider the nominee, William “Jim” Haynes, one of President Bush’s more qualified. But his nomination has languished in committee since the president tapped him for the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in September 2003.
Graham’s blocking of Haynes means the senators need not argue against the administration’s treatment of enemy fighters, which might prove less popular connected to a judicial nominee than their high-profile demand last year for legislation banning cruel and degrading treatment of suspected terrorists.
Haynes, who spent most of his legal career as a lawyer in the Defense Department, is controversial because of his role in helping to implement the administration’s policy on the handling of “enemy combatants,” suspects taken prisoner in the war on terrorism. Democrats and liberal groups oppose Haynes because of this.
Few of Graham’s Republican colleagues are aware that he has stalled Haynes’s nomination in committee. Were Graham to admit blocking the nominee, it could prompt a critical backlash from GOP senators and conservative groups that advocate on behalf of the president’s judicial nominees.
Graham yesterday denied placing a secret hold on Haynes, but he declined to say whether he supports Haynes’s nomination. Senate sources say, however, that Graham is the reason Haynes has remained bottled up in the Judiciary Committee.
“I’m going to take them one at a time,” Graham said, referring to the slow procession of judicial nominees through the chamber. The Senate is expected to vote today on ending debate on the nomination of White House Staff Secretary Brett Kavanaugh to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals.
Graham has had plenty of opportunity to mull Haynes’s nomination. Its two and a half years in the Senate make it one of the longest-stalled nominations. The Judiciary Committee held a hearing on Haynes in November 2003 and voted him to the floor in March 2004, but the 108th Congress adjourned without taking action, forcing the administration to renominate him in February last year and restart the confirmation process.
“Haynes is one of the better nominees that I’ve seen,” said former Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah). “I can’t believe what the Democrats are doing to him. I sure hope no Republican is doing it.”
Most Senate Republicans are expected to support Haynes should his nomination reach the floor, with one notable exception: McCain.
“I’m in opposition,” McCain said. “I would not vote for his nomination at this time.”
Graham and McCain played a high-profile role last year opposing administration policy on the treatment of detained terror suspects. McCain authored and Graham supported amendments to the defense appropriations bill banning cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of detainees in American custody. Graham also wrote compromise legislation that denied detainees broad access to federal courts but would allow them to appeal the verdicts of military tribunals to a federal appeals court.
But while Graham and McCain were supported by most of their GOP colleagues in the debate over torture, it is far from certain they would garner similar support for opposing a judicial nominee who worked on policy concerning the legal status of detainees. For one thing, while most GOP lawmakers might take a public stand against torture, they would be less likely to question the special legal status of captured terror suspects that denies them the rights of prisoners of war or of American criminal suspects. For another, GOP senators tend to vote for Bush’s judicial nominees.
Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), a Judiciary member and ardent defender of Bush’s judicial nominees, said he was not aware that Graham was holding up Haynes’s nomination but knew he had problems with Pentagon policy.
“I know he has challenged the department’s views on a number of detainee issues,” Sessions said. “He has been a critic.”
Democratic opposition is not enough to keep Haynes’s nomination from reaching the floor because Republicans control 10 seats on the panel, while the Democrats have only eight. But if one Republican were to vote with the Democratic bloc against the nominee, Haynes would not have enough support.
Graham is pivotal also because, like McCain, he is a member of the “Gang of 14,” a group a seven centrist Republicans and seven centrist Democrats who would provide the swing votes needed to support a filibuster of a nominee or a procedure that would quash a filibuster by changing Senate rules.
Conservative groups said Graham risks alienating conservative voters by stalling one of Bush’s appellate court nominees.
“That is intolerable,” said Manuel Miranda, a former aide to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) and chairman of the Third Branch Conference, a coalition of grassroots groups that support conservative judicial nominees. Miranda said that if Graham and McCain are blocking Haynes “they should be called to reconcile in 2008.”
Sean Rushton, executive director of the Committee for Justice, an organization that defends judicial nominees, also expressed concern.
“If this turns out to be true it would be a great concern to the center-right coalition,” he said. “The principle for which we have fought so long is that nominees deserve up-or-down votes.”
“If Republicans are siding with Democrats to filibuster or use parliamentary tactics to deny a nominee a vote, that cuts against what we’ve been arguing in principle,” Rushton added.
Miranda and Rushton said they expect coalition of conservative groups to be formed to support Haynes’s nomination and press for his confirmation.
Rushton said that Haynes did not create the Defense Department’s policy on detainees, but helped implement it.
But in letter to the Judiciary Committee dated March 2004, the liberal group People for the American Way said that Haynes “played a central role in formulating the Bush administration’s policy regarding the detention of American citizens and foreigners as enemy combatants.”
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The New Clergy
Saturday, August 12, 2006
By David Sturgell
It is ironic that the secular left which does everything in its power to repudiate religion in general and Christianity in particular is trying to impose its own cult on society. The State is their God and law their creed with lawyers acting as the new clergy. The federal circuit courts serve as their diocese and the Supreme Court acts as a Curia proclaiming orthodoxy by fiat. All sectors of government and the public are subject to the pronouncements of nine robed grandees who are not answerable to anyone. They have usurped power from the people and bestowed upon themselves the holy right to regulate all facets of our lives. They brook no questioning of their pronouncements. Only they know the will of God.
This gang of nine is supported by hundreds of thousands of acolytes who have been turned out by today’s seminaries, the law schools. They minister to the public reminding us of the sanctity of their scripture, which is so voluminous and arcane that only they can traffic in its use. They, like scholastics of old, have a knack for parsing every word until meanings become incomprehensible to the laity. They are needed to help us navigate the maze of ever proliferating laws, which define their secular religion and intrude on our daily existence. We are like peasants during the Middle Ages who could not read the Latin Vulgate, thus had to rely on the priesthood for guidance to salvation. In the minds of these elites, only they hold the secret to salvation and our persons, as we have no souls, are in peril if we don’t follow their counsel. This of course is to their advantage as it provides them with profit, as well as power.
No other association in America has the immunity from scrutiny that these people have. Every other group is, in the end, answerable to lawyers in one fashion or another. Lawyers are answerable only to themselves and the Byzantine system they have concocted. This lack of outside accountability leads to arrogance and corruption. They have used their religion to expand the reach of the State into every aspect of our lives. For example, what parent will have clear responsibility for and authority over their children if a recent decision by the ninth circuit court of appeals is left unchallenged? Whose property is safe after the recent dictate of the Supreme Court, which would allow local governments, in cahoots with wealthy developers, to virtually steal people’s property for reasons other than imminent domain? Both decisions are invented from whole cloth to suit the statist zealotry of some on the bench. There is no historical precedent for either and, in fact, both go against previous law and tradition. Additionally, how many of us can challenge a state attorney general who misuses his office for political gain? What man or woman can fight a federal prosecutor run amok within the judicial system for personal aggrandizement? These “representatives” of the law claim the sanctity of their office. More importantly, they have the power of the contemporary inquisition behind them, i.e. government sanction. As with the inquisition, the scrutiny of these people or that of our modern day Torquemada, the ACLU, is ruinous. Even if one is not guilty of any crime, it is often safer and always less costly in time, money and emotion to admit one has gone astray and agree to do penance than to fight on principle.
What can be done to strip power from this modern day priesthood? In truth, very little. For decades, “We the People” have allowed zealots on various courts to re-write and misinterpret the constitution, according to their own heretical views. They have invented oxymoronic phrases such as “the constitution is a living document” in the attempt to foist their agenda on a dozing public. By allowing this to go on for decades we have let them usurp power, which was never meant to be theirs.
Ironically, the best and possibly only way to strip them of this control is to appoint justices who are not enthralled with this juristic belief and will voluntarily divest themselves of their illicitly gained power. This can only be done by selecting judicial candidates who believe that the judiciary has over-reached itself for far too long. They must be committed to reining in an institution that has run amok and to give back power to those who should rightfully hold it, i.e. “the people” through their elected representatives. President Bush’s appointment of justices Roberts and Alito seems to be a step in this direction.
We must also do our best to make clear that the legal profession is temporal and not spiritual in nature. We need to find a way to make these advocates accountable to others. That something is wrong in the legal community can be seen in the low regard in which it is held by the public at large. While many may agree, at least in theory, with Shakespeare’s character in Henry VI who said “the first thing we do is kill all the lawyers” this sentiment is foolish at best and anarchic at worst. The rule of law has given the world the best framework upon to build peace and prosperity. But neither peace nor prosperity would be threatened, and would probably be enhanced, if we stopped producing so many of these legal practitioners. One practical way to reduce their importance would be to curb the out-of-control tort system in this country and to stop rewarding, but rather, punish miscreants for bringing frivolous and fraudulent cases. This can only be done by the people who appear to have been in a seventy year daze thus allowing the secular left to impose policies which would not have been approved by the electorate. Political pressure must be brought to bear to rid our system of these parasitic prophets of perfidy. We must take back control of our rights and put lawyers and the judiciary in their proper place. If we don’t, our rights will continue to be eroded by this most special of all “special interest” groups and the time may come when we will have no legal way to retrieve them.
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Senate May Bypass a Battle Over Bush's Federal Court Nominees
May 25 (Bloomberg) -- The U.S. Senate, on the brink of gridlock over judicial nominations a year ago, is finessing a showdown over President George W. Bush's most divisive choices for the federal bench.
Senators of both parties, preoccupied with other issues, are displaying little appetite for an all-out battle. Democrats, who are reluctant to oppose nominees for purely ideological reasons, won't try to block White House aide Brett Kavanaugh, 41, who is scheduled to be confirmed to an appeals court judgeship today. Republicans, in turn, probably will put aside two other controversial nominees, Terrence Boyle and William Haynes II.
``There are so many other issues competing for attention, whether it's the war in Iraq or high energy prices or the contentious immigration debate, that I think it has taken some of the steam out of what at times has been a vitriolic debate on judges,'' said Senator Susan Collins, a Maine Republican.
To the disappointment of some supporters, Republicans have shown reluctance to push nominees who may encounter opposition for reasons other than ideology. Senate Republican leader Bill Frist retreated from his plan to promote Boyle to an appellate judgeship. Boyle, 60, is a trial judge who faces allegations that he broke a conflict-of-interest law.
Democrats last year threatened to use the filibuster -- a parliamentary delaying tactic that requires 60 votes in the 100- member Senate to defeat -- to block judicial appointments. Republicans control the Senate with 55 votes. The impasse was avoided and the Senate went on to confirm two Bush nominees to the Supreme Court and three other appellate appointees who had been blocked.
Haynes Nomination
Haynes, 48, the Defense Department's general counsel, has run into trouble over his role in devising policies for detaining and interrogating suspected terrorists.
His nomination has been stuck in the Senate Judiciary Committee since 2003. South Carolina Republican Lindsey Graham wants to explore Haynes's role in developing the policies, and whether the nominee was ``receptive'' to the legal advice from military lawyers, the senator's spokesman, Kevin Bishop, said in an e-mailed statement. Graham, a former military lawyer, has criticized the administration for allowing some coercive interrogation techniques in the war on terror.
While Karl Rove, Bush's top political adviser, has told Republican activists and senators the president will nominate another two dozen federal judges, only non-controversial choices probably will be confirmed.
``I would try to move as many of those that I could'' without triggering ``a big war,'' said former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, a Mississippi Republican.
`Partisan Warrior'
The main Democratic complaint against Kavanaugh has been -- in the words of New York Senator Charles Schumer -- that he is a ``partisan warrior'' helping Bush pick judges. That proved insufficient to justify a filibuster.
``There is probably a recognition that, absent a very clear and defined problem with a nominee, that it's going to be difficult to block'' anyone, said Illinois Democratic Senator Barrack Obama.
That attests to the power of the ``Gang of 14,'' the bipartisan group of senators that averted last year's Senate showdown over Bush's judicial nominations.
The group, comprised equally of Republicans and Democrats, has become the ``gatekeeper'' for judicial appointees, Obama said. ``As long as they stay intact, they are able to determine whether a filibuster will be successful,'' he said.
`Extraordinary Circumstances'
The seven Republicans in the group, including Collins, agreed not to support Frist's threat to ban use of the filibuster against judicial nominees. In return, the seven Democrats, led by Nebraska Senator Ben Nelson, said they wouldn't support use of the parliamentary tactic except under ``extraordinary circumstances.''
The group met May 10 to discuss Kavanaugh and Boyle and ``found a lot of common ground in our reactions to both nominees,'' Collins said.
Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid dropped his threat to lead a filibuster against Kavanaugh, who was nominated in 2003, and any fight over Boyle became moot. Democratic Senator Ken Salazar, another member of the bipartisan group, predicted that Boyle would fail to win a majority even if he were brought to a floor vote.
Frist, who last year insisted on floor votes for all of Bush's nominees, has been noncommittal about which ones he will bring up after Kavanaugh.
Avoiding a Fight
``We will take the others one by one,'' Frist told reporters this week. He said he had no plans to bring up Boyle and didn't respond when asked whether he would seek a vote on Haynes.
Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy, the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, said some Republicans seeking re-election may prefer to avoid a fight over Bush's nominees.
``The White House is not giving members of their party any great gifts if they want to ask them to vote on those,'' he said.
There are eight vacancies on federal appeals courts, including seats formerly held by Bush's Supreme Court appointees, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and Samuel Alito Jr.
`All Hell Will Break Loose'
Republican activists complain that Bush and Frist aren't pushing hard enough for confirmation. ``All hell will break loose if it turns out that it is Republicans who are holding up these nominees, or that they are being thrown over without a defense,'' Manuel Miranda, a former Frist aide who runs the Washington-based advocacy group Third Branch Conference, said in an e-mail to his supporters.
Potential casualties include William G. Myers III, 40, a mining and ranching lobbyist named to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco, and Michael B. Wallace, 55, a Jackson, Mississippi, lawyer nominated to the 5th Circuit in New Orleans.
Professionally Unqualified
Wallace was found professionally unqualified by an American Bar Association committee, the first such rating by the group for an appellate-court nominee in a quarter century. Myers, blocked by Democrats in 2003, is opposed by environmental groups who say he favored miners and ranchers as solicitor of the Interior Department from 2001 to 2003.
Myers was left in limbo when the agreement by the Gang of 14 permitted votes on three of 10 nominees who had been blocked.
Nelson, who is seeking re-election this year in a state Bush carried in both 2000 and 2004, said he has heard no mention of Myers.
If his name comes up, ``there is always an opportunity to get the Gang of 14 together,'' Nelson said. ``I can get the doughnuts and coffee together without much advance notice.''
NOTE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, any copyrighted material herein is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. For further information please refer to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales Announces Creation Of
Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit within the Civil Rights Division
WASHINGTON – Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales and Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division, Wan J. Kim, announced today the creation of the Human Trafficking Prosecution (HTP) Unit within the Criminal Section of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. The Unit is designed to develop new strategies to combat modern-day slavery by focusing the Division’s human trafficking expertise and expanding its anti-trafficking enforcement program to further increase human trafficking investigations and prosecutions throughout the nation. “The Justice Department is proud to be at the forefront of the Administration’s efforts to combat the heinous crime of human trafficking,” said Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales. “With the creation of the Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit, we will expand and enhance our ability to fight this crime by working together with federal, state and local investigators, and NGOs, to tackle the enormous challenges posed by this evil. We will continue to develop new ways to help victims and to bring their captors to justice.”
The HTP Unit will work to enhance the Department’s investigation and prosecution of significant human trafficking and slavery cases, such as multi-jurisdictional cases and those involving financial crimes. The Unit will also engage in training, technical assistance and outreach initiatives to federal, state and local law enforcement and NGOs.
The HTP Unit will be headed by noted anti-trafficking prosecutors who have prosecuted traffickers and freed hundreds of foreign and domestic victims from sex trafficking in brothels and forced labor in fields, homes and factories. Robert Moossy will head up the Unit, and is joined by Chief Counsel Lou de Baca and Special Litigation Counsels Hilary Axam and Andrew Kline, who bring significant anti-slavery experience to this effort and have been leaders in developing the modern victim-centered approach to human trafficking investigations and prosecutions. They will be joined in the coming months by additional federal prosecutors, a victim/witness specialist, and support staff. Attorney General Gonzales has made combating human trafficking a top priority of the Justice Department. In the last six fiscal years, the Civil Rights Division, in conjunction with U.S. Attorneys’ Offices, has increased by six-fold the number of human trafficking cases filed, quadrupled the number of defendants charged, and tripled the number of defendants convicted. In FY 2006, the Department initiated 168 investigations, charged 111 defendants in 32 cases, and obtained a record number of convictions totaling 98.